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A Collection of Reviews and Titles Hating
Whitey and Other Progressive Causes (Sept. 1999) "The title reflects a major theme of the book, the 'anti-white racism' that Mr. Horowitz says has 'become a common currency of the 'progressive' intelligentsia.' "'Whites are the only group that there's a license to hate in America today, says Mr. Horowitz. 'I wanted people to be confronted by their hypocrisy.' "'The point of 'Hating Whitey' is that 'ideological hatred of whites is now an expanding industry,' embracing not only the anti-white rhetoric of black 'racist demagogues like Louis Farrakhan,' Mr. Horowitz writes, 'but also white liberals, such as Harvard lecturer Noel Ignatiev, who has proclaimed the need to 'abolish the white race by any means necessary.' "White liberals help incite this hatred, Mr. Horowitz says, giving as an example the eagerness of politicians such as first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton and Democratic presidential hopeful Bill Bradley to 'go kiss the ring of [New York black activist] Al Sharpton, a foul-mouthed racist.'" (From the Washington Times 10/08/99 page A2 by Robert Stacy McCain.) According to a review published on Amazon.Com, "Despite the intrusiveness of his ego, Horowitz writes engagingly about contentious issues, particularly the politics of race. Specifically, he objects to the way in which blacks are given carte blanche to indulge in reverse racism, a tendency that Horowitz traces in part to affirmative action and the contemporary mania to stake out the role of the victim. In a highly polemical style, Horowitz argues that Americans, particularly black Americans, have lost sight of the color-blind society envisioned by Dr. King." (Quoted from review by Kirkus Associates, LP.)
Also, read the introductory chapter of Hating Whitey, Introduction: Memories in Memphis
by David Horowitz. Purchase "Hating Whitey" at the
following links: A Dream Deferred: The Second Betrayal of
Black Freedom in America "Steele's recurring theme has been to unmask the dubious motivations behind the race-conscious remedies embraced by white liberals and blacks. For Steele, '60s liberalism's "first and all-consuming goal was the expiation of American shame rather than the careful and true development of equity between the races." Steele shoots down all policies and attitudes that emphasize race. Even affirmative race consciousness simply reverses and repeats the sins of racism, he argues: It locks whites into a position of guilty superiority (guilty, since their final redemption is forever withheld by power-mongering blacks; superior, since black uplift is made to depend on white largesse) and holds back blacks by forcing them to invest in their own victimization. It allows both races to avoid doing the hard work of actual uplift, which Steele insists can only come from the traditional American middle-class virtues: individual effort, education, self-improvement. (He points out that those areas where blacks have been most successful, such as music and athletics, are precisely those in which there are no interventions.)
"... Steele, now a research fellow at Stanford University's conservative Hoover
Institution, takes things one important step further in his new book: He argues that
all top-down social interventions that aim at moral improvement, not just race-conscious
remedies, are destructive. "When redemptive liberals make interventions the agents of
change over people, they avail themselves of one of the most popular formulas for power in
the twentieth century," he writes, comparing America's embrace of redemptive racial
politics to post-World War I Germany's embrace of Aryan supremacy and turn-of-the-century
Russia's attempt to create a classless society." (Review excerpted from
Salon.Com) Somebody Else's
House: America's Unfinished Struggle for Integration "Jacoby draws different morals from each of the three cities she studies. New York in the idealistic Lindsay years, with its divisive fight over school decentralization, represents "a lesson in the limits of goodwill and sixties-style top-down engineering." Detroit, where bitter racial divisions, a long battle over busing and the combative posturing of Mayor Coleman Young all contributed to white flight and black rage, "is a study in the consequences of choosing against integration." And Atlanta, which despite apparent progress remains profoundly separated along racial lines, poses the question "Is real integration possible in America today?" "But if the lessons are different, the mistakes Jacoby believes were made were the same. The same pattern unfolds again and again: a failure of leadership, both by well-meaning but misguided whites and demagogic blacks. White leaders, anxious to achieve immediate racial progress in the wake of riots and widening racial tension, handed a blank check to the black community. But the only leaders who stepped forward were militants, who were often more interested in racial posturing and amassing racial spoils than in working together with whites to solve the black community's problems from the bottom up. These angry -- often conveniently angry -- exponents of Black Pride, Jacoby argues, didn't really represent the feelings of the majority of blacks, but their willingness to stand up to the white man made them attractive, especially since "constructive, gradualist leaders were in short supply." So the Al Sharptons and the Malcolm Xs knocked out the Bayard Rustins and Martin Luther Kings, and set-asides and busing were enshrined as morally untouchable policies.
"When whites protested these [race-based] policies, they were accused of
racism. Imtimated and increasingly resentufl, they literally and figuratively
withdrew, leaving -- in the case of Detroit -- the virtually all-black inner city to
wither away. Race relations, poisoned by mutual mistrust and irresponsible leaders,
never recovered." (Review excerpted from Salon.Com) The Shape of the River by former Princeton and Harvard presidents William G. Bowen and Derek Bok. This newest and most seriously flawed defense of racial preferences in college admissions has been hailed (falsely) by The New York Times as "striking confirmation of the success of affirmative action." A host of similar op-eds and reviews have followed suit, praising the book both for its flawed scholarship and for its baseless defense of affirmative action. It is no surprise that Bill Clinton's racial-quota enforcer, Bill Lann Lee, gave a public speech in Nov. 1998 unabashedly supporting the erroneous conclusions of this book. Few reviewers, however, have actually subjected the book's claims or methodology to serious, critical examination. The Center for Equal Opportunity provides a critical analysis of this book's mis-use of statistics at http://www.ceousa.org/bok.html
American in Black and White: One Nation Indivisible, by Stephan Thernstrom and Abigail Thernstrom. Simon & Schuster, 639 pages, $30. This book represents a significant study by husband-and-wife team Stephan and Abigail Thernstrom. Both have previously written much on this subject, independently and jointly. Stephen is a history professor at Harvard, and Abigail is a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute.
The Thernstroms are strongly opposed to racial quotas, racial
hiring goals, racial preferences and government race-based contracting set-asides. And
they use their considerable intellects to gather accurate, current information to
graphically illustrate why these programs don’t work. The California Cauldron, by Wm. A.V. Clark (UCLA Professor) "Within California, startling differences emerge. Currently, for example, 41% of all California immigrants wind up in Los Angeles County. One ZIP Code in Glendale, 91205, has absorbed 16,000 immigrants since 1980, and another ZIP Code in San Francisco has absorbed 25,000. Meanwhile, the state's best-known ZIP Code in Beverly Hills, 90210, has absorbed very few.
"All of this makes California the great exception when it comes to the costs and
benefits of immigration, Clark writes. At the national level, he contends, new immigrants
have probably produced a plus for the economy. But in Los Angeles County and other
heavy-influx areas, they have produced a large deficit. The federal government, after all,
receives the lion's share of revenue from immigrants through income taxes but pays only a
small portion of their education and medical care costs." (LA Times, 02/14/99,
by Roberta A. Jones) The Color of Politics: Race, Class, and the Mainsprings of American Politics, by Michael Goldfield. New Press, 400 pages, $19.95. "Michael Goldfield's The Color of Politics: Race, Class, and the Mainsprings of American Politics argues that the central feature of American political history in this century has been the ongoing -- and largely unsuccessful -- attempt to work out the unresolved contradictions of the Civil War and Reconstruction.
"The Color of Politics is honorably motivated,
unapologetically left-wing -- and a terrible muddle. Haphazard, repetitive, and at times
clumsily written, the book is too densely theoretical to appeal to many nonacademics but
too cursory to be of much use to academics. Goldfield, who is a professor of labor studies
at Wayne State University, draws too many oversimplified parallels between the pre-Civil
War era and today (likening black youth unemployment to slavery, for example, and the
Rodney King beating to lynchings). And many of the explanations for white racism that
Goldfield surveys are either over-familiar or unconvincing." The Diversity Hoax: Law Students Report from Berkeley, by David Wienir, Marc Berley [Paperback - 194 pages (April 1999) Foundation for Academic Standards & Tradition; ISBN: 0966994000]
One reader wrote: "How many Asians currently play in the NBA? Are they
under-represented? If so, why is this tolerated, and what must WE do to remedy this
grievous situation?" Naked Racial Preference: The Case Against Affirmative Action, by Carl Cohen Boston: Madison Books, 1995.
"The current flow of complaints about reverse discrimination in employment contracts
in itself provides substantial evidence that the bargaining process, notwithstanding its
general fairness, cannot be depended upon in this sphere. "Voluntary" is an
appealing word. But its use here suggests what is not true-that those who were injured by
the racial instruments devised in the contract did themselves volunteer to carry the
burden. Weber's sacrifice cannot plausibly be called "voluntary." This defense
of "voluntary" racial instruments (even if unions were invariably sensitive to
matters of individual right) avoids the key question of legitimate authority. At stake
here are the rights of individuals to the most fundamental of democratic conditions-equal
treatment under the law-and, moreover, their rights to that equal treatment as it bears
upon the most suspect of all categorical distinctions, race..." White Male Applicant: An Affirmative Action Expose, written and illustrated by William A. Whitaker. "Everything you've ever wanted to know about affirmative
action, but nobody wanted to provide. White Male Applicant explains how white males have
become the invisible victims of liberal society's preferential programs."
Author Wm. Whitaker uses case studies and cartoon illustrations to expose very serious
discrimination against white males in the name of diversity. |
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