The majority of voters oppose racial preferences, quotas, targets and set-asides. Here is a collection of case studies which clearly illustrate how divisive racial quotas are maintained!
This collection of case studies dramatically illustrates the way in which divisive racial quotas are imposed and maintained in spite of massive opposition by the majority of citizen-voters.
The first three of these stories -- Houston, Paine Webber, and Texaco -- happened in the 1996 / 1997 time frame and served as an harbinger of huge, deceptive racial extortion settlements. These three stories paint a very ugly picture of the way in which the racial quota lobby conspired with corporate greed to get the Houston Civil Rights Initiative defeated by illegally rewording it! In the process, dozens of careers were ruined, and Houston voters were denied their right to vote on the elimination of racial quotas.
The last three stories -- Quota Cola (Coke), KodaQuota (Kodak), and Boeing -- are of more recent vintage and clearly illustrate the frightening trend in discriminatory race-based policies within corporate America.
Our review begins during 1996 and 1997 with three closely related events with two common themes: maintain racial quotas in Houston at all costs, and extort hundreds of millions of dollars for racial special interest causes.
(1) In the Fall of 1997, the Houston, Texas city council, led by Democratic Mayor Bob Lanier, illegally re-worded the Houston Civil Rights Initiative ballot question -- which sought only to end racially-discriminatory preferences and set-asides. The ballot was defeated based on false wording which misleadingly stated the initiative sought to "end ALL affirmative action programs".
(2) Paine Webber had a hugely profitable bond underwriting business with the City of Houston. One of Paine Webber's most successful Houston bond traders, Edward Blum, supported the original Houston Civil Rights Initiative. In the Fall of 1997, Paine Webber was directly threatened by Mayor Bob Lanier with loss of their lucrative bond-underwriting business unless they shut Mr. Blum up. Paine Webber forced Mr. Blum to "retire".
(3) Texaco, Inc. has a huge economic presence in Houston. In late 1996 and early 1997, the oil giant entered into an historically large monetary settlement with disgruntled minority employees even though no court of law had ruled that the oil giant had racially discriminated. Magically, overnight, Texaco's Houston office became an ardent opponent of the Houston Civil Rights Initiative. Texaco contributed significantly to the misleading publicity campaign initiated by then-Mayor Bob Lanier to misrepresent the initiative.
In late 2000 Coca Cola followed Texaco's model, and caved in to racial extortion based on unproven charges of minority discrimination:
(4) Quota Cola, as it has come to be called, has pledged 1/2 billion dollars to advance the interests of persons of the correct, non-white skin color. Coke actually used Texaco's massive racial payoff as a model. Like Texaco, Coke never was allowed to prove itself innocent of racial discrimination in a court of law.
(5) KodaQuotas: Kodak calls their repressive, racial quota program their "Winning and Inclusive Culture" program. By 2003, however, Kodak has become one of the most repressive, totalitarian, anti-white employers in the United States. The photo giant virtually refuses to do business with non-minority suppliers, and it has announced an aggressive purge of non-minority board members and employees, particularly white males.
(6) Boeing: Boeing ended up spending in excess of $1.3 billion on race-based programs, contractors, and charitable "donations" in order to appease the racial special interests. Boeing was never proven guilty of discrimination in a court of law. Further, the U.S. Department of Labor deliberately rigged its intrusive review of Boeing's pay grades by specifically omitting the length of employment or personnel performance records of the reviewed employees, and focusing exclusively on the race and gender of the employees.
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